韩桦:你如何看待泽连斯基在白宫与特朗普总统和JD·万斯之间的那场争吵?
伊万·季莫费耶夫:咱们现在所看到的情况与咱们习以为常的十足不同。辩论到夙昔三年好意思国极端盟友对乌克兰的全面撑握,面前的情况极为反常。
特朗普的态度天壤之隔,他以为和平是当务之急,绝拦阻忍我方的“小伙伴”建议要求。要道在于,既然是“小伙伴”,就应该效劳“大伙伴”的蹊径。如若“大伙伴”编削主意,“小伙伴”也必须随之调遣。
在白宫的此次会面中,“应该(should)”这个词变成了“必须(must)”。这对乌克兰总统泽连斯基来说是一次至极严重的酬酢失败,可能会大大削弱他在国内的政事地位。这件事对乌克兰和平进度将会带来若何的影响?冲突何时或者拆伙仍然是一个相等复杂的问题。好意思俄两边的谈判虽处于初期阶段,接洽细节尚不涌现,但面前来看,这对乌克兰相通东说念主来说无疑是一个坏讯息。
韩桦:2022年2月的“非常军事行动”前后,您曾发声反对。三年夙昔了,您的结识是若何发展的?
伊万·季莫菲耶夫:从一开动,我对军事冲突的发展感到相等担忧,原因有好多。其中之一是俄罗斯与西方冲突有进一步升级的风险,这个局部冲突可能演变成更大范围的冲突。在某个时点,西标的乌克兰提供中程巡航导弹,这导致花式变得极为危急。
另一个原因是经济恶化的巨大风险。不外,我很欣喜看到,对于俄罗斯经济景色的悲不雅斟酌并未发生。一方面,俄罗斯在经济压力下展现了极大的韧性;另一方面,咱们也顺利幸免了全球动力危机、食粮安全危机等问题。
现在,最默默的作念法是期骗现时俄好意思关系纰漏的契机,推动军事冲突拆伙。但与此同期,这一惩办决议必须辩论到导致冲突的根蒂原因,辩论俄罗斯的诉求。不然,咱们很难幸免畴昔爆发新的冲突。
韩桦:在您看来,俄罗斯的中枢诉求是什么?
伊万·季莫菲耶夫:一个中枢诉求是乌克兰的中立“非订盟”地位。换句话说,乌克兰需要去军事化,不可成为西方用来顽抗俄罗斯的用具,也不可对俄罗斯组成恫吓。
另一项要道诉求是对乌克兰境内各族东说念主民的尊重,包括对言语万般性的保护,并对顶点民族主见选用零容忍气派。现时乌克兰社会存在歌唱二战时期纳粹伙同者的声息,这种历史篡转业为必须被阻绝,包括对二战历史的任何曲解。
总的来说,俄罗斯的诉求包括乌克兰的“非订盟”地位、中立性、去军事化、阻至极点民族主见,以及尊重乌克兰东说念主口的万般性。天然,俄罗斯官方酬酢可能会建议更详备的清单,但这是我算作大家的基本看法。
韩桦:我礼服俄罗斯会建议一些诉求。俄好意思之间的议题不仅限于乌克兰危机,还有许多其他问题需要通过酬酢渠说念商议。俄好意思谈判会如何激动?
伊万·季莫菲耶夫:谈判进度可能会至极复杂,因为这场冲突执行上是一个更等闲的安全架构问题,需要摒除现有体系的残障,而不单是关乎乌克兰。值得注意的是,从冲突一开动,中国就指出欧洲安全架构的残障,而恰是这些残障导致了西方淡薄俄罗斯的安全利益,并削弱了“安全不可分割原则”。要拆伙持久妥协,需要在更等闲的安全框架上取得进展。
面前,媒体报说念也曾提到了一些潜在的惩办决议,其中包括乌克兰大选,这可能是推动乌克兰政事进度发展和冲突惩办的贫困前提。同期,对于版图折柳的商议也必须基于战场上的既成事实,同期兼顾俄罗斯的诉乞降现时的军事态势。
还接洽键的政事层面的问题,便是乌克兰的“非订盟”地位以极端与北约的关系。人所共知,俄罗斯的一项中枢诉求是乌克兰不得加入北约。与此同期,乌克兰极端欧洲盟友可能会推动在乌克兰境里面署异邦戎行,以此算作安全保险。但对俄罗斯而言,这是十足不可继承的,因为非论出于何种事理,这齐意味着乌克兰被异邦戎行占领。
任何所谓的“维和行动”齐必须获取纠合国安甘愿的同意,并得到更等闲的海外社会撑握。天然西方势力遍及且具有影响力,但它并不可代表所有海外社会,也无法为维和行动提供最等闲的授权。独一正当的维和行动必须由纠合国主导,并辩论到俄罗斯和中国的态度。因此,任何西方国度试图片面部署戎行,齐将濒临巨大的阻力。
3月2日,十余个欧洲和欧友邦家,以及乌克兰和加拿大的相通东说念主在英国伦敦举行峰会,就乌克兰危机和欧洲防务问题进行商议
(图源:英国首相府新华社发)
特朗普在这个问题优势格赫然,他明确暗示,如若欧洲戎行在乌克兰与俄军发生冲突,好意思国不会提供军事撑握。如若异邦戎行进入乌克兰,这可能导致冲突升级,以致激发俄罗斯与北约的径直顽抗,而这毫不是一个感性的选拔。
正因如斯,我开首谈到了对这场军事冲突的风险评估。正如我所提到的,最大的风险在于局部冲突升级为俄罗斯与北约之间的大范围干戈,以致是第三次寰球大战。如若西方戎行进入乌克兰,这一风险将长久存在。
韩桦:您刚才提到了食粮危机和动力危机,这是冲突爆发前的主要担忧之一。那么,在持久惩办这一危机的历程中,某些经济问题或东说念主说念主见赞成是否会成为要道要素?
伊万·季莫菲耶夫:这是一个贫困的问题。其中之一是规复因制裁和甘休规律而受高低的全球供应链。天然,我不以为这在现时起着决定性作用。俄罗斯极端伙伴也曾找到绕过这些制裁的方法。需要指出的是,西方本人也在制裁中提供了东说念主说念主见豁免。因此,在很大程度上,寰球幸免了这场冲突对食粮安全和动力安全形成的严重东说念主说念主见影响。
但还有另一个严重的东说念主说念主见问题,那便是如何惩办干戈对乌克兰以及受冲突影响的俄罗斯地区所形成的创伤。这包括排雷、基础门径的重建,以及对干戈中失去亲东说念主的乌克兰东说念主和俄罗斯东说念主的匡助。这将是俄乌经济上的一项千里重包袱。
韩桦:这也触及到您的经济规模筹商。总体而言,俄罗斯如安在西方制裁下看护经济运转并保握韧性?与此同期,俄罗斯面终末哪些挑战,举例通货扩张等?此外,您如何看待在利雅得会议上对于规复好意思国对俄投资的商议,以及这对中国在俄投资的影响?
伊万·季莫菲耶夫:俄罗斯经济的韧性以致让俄罗斯东说念主我方感到诧异。在很大程度上,这归功于俄罗斯央行和政府多年来的前期准备劳动。在发起非常军事行动之前,咱们成就了我方的金融信息传输系统(报文系统)和支付系统,减少了对西方体系的依赖。这使得咱们在面对西方制裁风暴时或者保握金融厚实。
与此同期,咱们赶紧重建了原土工业体系,非常是在军工和军民两用产物坐褥方面。与中国极端他友好国度的交易来回,匡助咱们减轻了交易和入口方面的冲击,包括消费品入口。中国长久保握自制和客不雅的态度,不参与任何军事定约,也莫得在军事意思上选边站队。在西方对俄制裁的布景下,中俄两国保握时时经贸关系。中国不仅成为俄罗斯商品的贫困阛阓,还吸收了那些被欧洲和好意思国阛阓拒之门外的产物。此外,印度也在购买俄罗斯石油和其他巨额商品方面发达了贫困作用。
总体而言,俄罗斯经济或者保握韧性,主要依靠以下几个要素:政府充分的前期准备和有用的危机治理;俄罗斯经济的阛阓化促使企业自主搪塞挑战,而非依赖政府赞成;精好意思的酬酢关系——尤其是与中国的风雅伙同。
至于好意思国投资重返俄罗斯的远景,咱们必须保握严慎。开首,从法律角度来看,这些投资仍然是被防止的。左证好意思司法律,面前无法向俄罗斯进行新的投资,因此,关系商议面前仅停留在初步探讨和不雅察阶段。
如若乌克兰冲突在通盘各方均能继承的要求下达成和平条约,俄罗斯的利益得到温和,那么不错预期某些制裁可能会被取消。但需要警惕的是,这些撤消制裁的规律可能只是临时性的,可能更像是“豁免”而非永远性的法律澌灭。因此,俄罗斯可能在至极长的时辰内仍需面对制裁框架的影响。这意味着,一朝针对投资的制裁豁免出现,西方投资可能会渐渐回首,但制裁仍将是一个持久风险。
非论如何,即便西方投资回首,也不会影响中国在俄罗斯阛阓的地位。中国已成为俄罗斯阛阓上的贫困力量,很难被取代。
韩桦:我以为,中国和俄罗斯齐必须面对“两个西方”:一个是好意思国,它可能会在某种程度上纰漏制裁,而欧洲方面则可能会坚握制裁。在这种情况下,咱们应该如何搪塞?
伊万·季莫菲耶夫:您的分析是正确的。最近的制裁情况就诠释了这极少:欧盟在非常军事行动三周年之际推出了第16轮制裁,而好意思国却莫得选用新的制裁规律。因此,咱们可能会看到这么一种景色:某些好意思国盟友仍然在践诺制裁,而好意思国脉身却莫得跟进。
辩论到好意思国在海外金融体系的中枢肠位,好意思国的制裁对咱们来说比欧洲的制裁更具恫吓性。如若欧洲继续看护制裁,对俄罗斯的影响远小于违犯的情况——即好意思国看护制裁,而欧洲撤消制裁。
就中俄伙同而言,好意思国的制裁雷同比欧盟的制裁影响大,因为中国的金融界愈加担忧好意思国的“二级制裁”,而对欧盟的制裁并莫得那么敏锐。如若好意思国至少在某种程度上减少金融制裁的风险,那么中国的金融机构会更风光推动中俄伙同,并为双边交易提供更多金融服务。
韩桦:但愿如斯。接下来不错商议金砖国度货币或金融结算体系?毕竟,特朗普可能会规复与俄罗斯的部分对话息兵判,ag百家乐代理但与此同期,他对金砖国度的金交融作、非常是金砖货币握顶点气忿气派,而俄罗斯却是金砖货币的鉴定撑握者。您对此如何看?
伊万·季莫菲耶夫:是的,俄罗斯撑握全球金融体系的多元化。但必须指出,这不单是是俄罗斯的态度,印度的态度也访佛。印度与好意思国保握着精好意思关系,并深度参与全球化,但它仍然撑握海外金融体系的多元化,因为它意志到把持并不是最好选拔。
中国在保护自身金融体系和阛阓免受制裁和外部过问方面作念了多数劳动。中国正在推动东说念主民币在海酬酢易中的使用。东说念主民币面前尚未对好意思元组成挑战,其全球占比仍然不高,中国东说念主民银行在推动东说念主民币海外化的历程中一直选用持重气派,换句话说,中国在“摸着石头过河”,一步一步激动,这是一种感性的策略。
辩论到这些要素,我不以为金砖货币在短期以致中期内会成为现实。这个构思仍然更多是一个见识,而非一个切实可行的惩办决议。要道问题在于——谁来主导这套货币体系?它将如何运作?其价值基础是什么?这些问题齐尚未得到解答。
从这个角度来看,我以为特朗普对金砖货币的过度警惕有些夸张。但另一方面,他如实意志到新的经济中心正在崛起,这对好意思国组成了挑战。因此,他的气派可能会至极鉴定。在他第一任期的前几个月,他对中国的表态还算克制,但随后他的政策变得极具抨击性。人所共知,他将中国视为好意思国的主要竞争敌手以致恫吓。因此,咱们还需要不雅察他畴昔如那儿理对华政策。
韩桦:对于中国和俄罗斯而言,咱们不仅爱慕两国政府间的伙同,也高度爱慕学术界极端他各个层面的交流。在我看来,特朗普并不肯意在乌克兰危机上参预过多时辰和元气心灵,他在国内还有许多更贫困的事务需要处理。
天然斟酌畴昔变得越来越困难,但我如故思让您作念个斟酌。特朗普的主要指标是拼集华尔街等国内问题,而不是过度柔和乌克兰危机,他只是思尽快拆伙这场冲突。那么,您以为他将选用什么样的政策?
伊万·季莫菲耶夫:特朗普的柔和点长久在畴昔,而不是夙昔。不管咱们心爱他如故不心爱他,有极少是明确的:冷战也曾成为历史,而现时的乌克兰危机则是冷战留传住来的问题。这极少无须置疑。从某种意思上说,咱们仍然处于冷战的“回声”之中。
对于特朗普来说,乌克兰危机是夙昔的问题,而不是畴昔的问题。他试图解脱与夙昔关系的千里重包袱,专注于畴昔。事实上,他也曾意志到,乌克兰危机无法在军事上取胜。在现时花式下,西方根蒂不可能战胜俄罗斯,而继续向乌克兰提供火器,只会加重风险——正如咱们在对话发轫所谈到的,这可能会导致花式进一步升级,以致激发好意思俄径直顽抗。
特朗普诞生商界,他瓦解乌克兰危机意味着什么:巨大的财政破费。数千亿好意思元的开销本不错用于好意思国的基础门径缔造,比如修路、机场当代化等——这些可不是小钱。他思勤俭这些资金,并将其用于更具价值的标的。那么,问题来了:他的下一个标的是什么?
韩桦:从您的专科角度来看,您对特朗普对于好意思国国内经济政策有何建议?
伊万·季莫菲耶夫:我不是好意思国东说念主,尽管我持久筹商好意思国。因此,要给他建议建议并拦阻易。好意思国事一个膏腴国度,是全球主要经济体之一。但同期,好意思国的贫富差距问题依然严重,比中国或俄罗斯更隆起。但是,共和党的态度并不撑握群众服务、医疗和教师投资,而特朗普是共和党东说念主。因此,改善这些社会服务并不稳当他的施政标的。
不外,算作一个俄罗斯东说念主,算作一个来自爱慕社会福利体系的国度的公民,在理思情况下,我但愿这些财政资源或者用于改善东说念主民的生存,比如教师、医疗,而不是用于军事开支。天然,好意思国东说念主民对我方的国度最有发言权,而咱们则应该专注于如何治理好我方的国度。
记忆我与一些中国同业的交流,我以为在经历了这场“制裁海啸”之后,俄好意思交易关系恶化的风险依然存在,咱们很难礼服一切会规复时时。因此,咱们必须作念好准备,以防畴昔再次发生政事化冲突或新一轮制裁。
对莫斯科来说,最合理的作念法仍然是对冲风险,保握在经济交易上的自主权,并选用多元化的交易方式,尤其是在与中国的伙同。为什么在双边交易中咱们要使用好意思元?咱们十足不错使用本国货币——东说念主民币和卢布,这更为合理。
咱们应该进一步探索由中俄两边共同提供的新金融体系。中国的CIPS(东说念主民币跨境支付系统)是一个很好的例子,它不单是是一个支付系统,如故一个金融信息传输系统,况且其影响力正在贬抑扩大。此外,俄罗斯的SPFS(金融信息传输系统)也为中国银行提供了进入俄罗斯阛阓的契机。尽管一些中国银行可能会担忧好意思国的“次级制裁”,但仍然有一些风光承担更高风险的银行风光使用这一系统。
好意思元在海外金融体系中仍然占据贫困地位。对中国企业来说雷同如斯,许多中国企业在海外交易中等闲使用好意思元,中国银行也依赖好意思元进行交易。东说念主民币的海外化是中国的一个贫困指标,中国的酬酢政策一直明确暗示,中国并不野心高低全球化。全球化对中国事有意的,中国为什么要高低它呢?中国建议了“一带所有”倡议、全球安全倡议等政策,这些并不与全球化进度相矛盾。
2023年在北京召开的中国海外金融展上,跨境银行间支付算帐有限劳动公司携其最新产物服务亮相,对传闻递东说念主民币跨境基础门径缔造新进展(图源:南边齐市报)
从这个角度来看,好意思方主导的全球金融体系政事化的风险依然存在,这不仅是对俄罗斯的挑战,对中国亦然如斯。因此,感性的选拔是通过发展替代机制来躲闪这些风险;咱们不单是为了顽抗好意思国而顽抗好意思国,如若有伙同的空间,咱们天然应该与西方国度伙同。
但是,一朝触及政事化、利益歧视,以致过问中国内务的问题,举例香港、新疆和西藏,包括好意思国借这些议题践诺制裁。但这些是中国的内务,与好意思国无关。这关乎中国的国度政策,为什么要让其他国度来品头论足?
咱们还铭刻,好意思国曾恫吓对与香港问题关系的中国银行践诺金融制裁。从政事上讲,这十足是不可继承的。最终,好意思国并莫得付诸行动,因为中国太坚强了,他们发怵中国的反制。但即便如斯,海外金融体系被政事化的风险依然存在,咱们必须为这种情况作念好准备。夙昔三年的资格对中国和俄罗斯来说,齐是一次久了的警戒。
面前,中国在工业规模越来越不依赖异邦供应商。中国正在闲隙解短工业品和时期的自主化。当中国决定与某个异邦伙伴伙同时,不需要去华盛顿苦求许可,也不需要获取授权来向俄罗斯供应某些产物。中国有我方的时期,且自主时期的产物清单正在贬抑扩大。
韩桦:没错,但中国一直齐相等暄和。三年前,咱们独一的短板可能是高技术产业,比如芯片。而现在,咱们也曾在这方面取得了许多冲破。我能思到的最后一个规模可能便是大飞机,比如商用大型客机,但咱们在这个方进取也在赶紧激动。
伊万·季莫菲耶夫:中国东说念主的暄和和低调是值得高度尊敬的,这亦然中华英才的文化特色之一。我曾与许多中国一又友商议落伍期和金融话题,他们老是说:“是的,咱们取得了一些顺利,但咱们仍然需要向好意思国粹习。好意思国在某些规模仍然很坚强,咱们应该去望望他们在作念什么,并鉴戒他们的顺利资格。”
这种策略相等默默——你在取生效利的同期,依然保握灵通的心态,不会自夸,也不会关上学习的大门。你长久保握暄和,继续学习。这种文化传统在面前这个充满不笃定性的寰球中,瑕瑜常珍重的竞争力。
韩桦:谢谢您的评价!是以,您也应该继续学习华文哦!
伊万·季莫菲耶夫:是的,我“应该学习汉语(这部分为华文原话)”。
以下为采访原文:
Helen:WhatdoyoumakeofthemostrecentbreakdownbetweenZelenskywithPresidentTrumpandJDVance?
IvanTimofeev:Ofcourse,whatweseeiscompletelydifferenttowhatwegotusedto.It'saveryunusualsituation,takingintoaccounttherecent3yearsofextensivesupportbytheUSandUSalliestowardsUkraine.Now,thenewpresidenthasacompletelydifferentviewthatpeaceisdemanded,heisnotgoingtotoleratethesituationwherehisjuniorpartnerraiseshisconditions.Thepointisthatifyou'reajuniorpartner,thenyoushouldfollowthelineoftheseniorpartner.Iftheseniorpartnerchangesitsmind,youshouldchangeyourmindaswell.InthatmeetingintheWhiteHouse,thewordshouldwaschangedintothewordmust.
ThatwasquiteasignificantdiplomaticdefeatforVolodymirZelensky,thepresidentofUkraine,whichwouldprobablyunderminesignificantlyhispositionsinUkraineathome.
SowewillseewhatwouldbethefurtherconsequencesforthepeacesettlementinUkraine.Howfastwouldithappenfortheconflictisstillquitecomplicated.ThenegotiationpositionsoftheUSandRussiaarestillnotclear,takingtheintoaccountthatthenegotiationsareontheverystart.ButwhatweseeisquitebadnewsfortheleaderofUkraine.
Helen:GivenyouhavebeenagainsttheUkrainewarbeforeandafterFebruary2022,howhaveyouopinionsandcommentsevolvedduringthepast3years?
IvanTimofeev:Yousee,Iwasveryconcernedbythemilitarydevelopmentduetoverydifferentreasons.OneofthemwastherisksoffurtherescalationinrelationsbetweenRussiaandtheWest.Thislocalconflictcouldturnintosomethingbigger.Atsomepoints,wewereclosetothisescalationwhentheWestsuppliedmid-rangecruisemissilestoUkraine.RussiausedintermediaterangemissileagainstUkraine.Soquiteadangeroussituation.
Oneotherreasonwasthattherewasahugeriskofeconomicdeterioration.There,Iwashappythatthenegativeforecastsontheeconomicsituation,bothinRussiaandglobally,itdidnotcometrue.Ontheonehand,Russiashowedsignificantresiliencetotheeconomicpressure.Ontheotherhand,wemanagedtoavoidglobalenergycrisis,foodsecuritycrisis,etcetera.
Now,whatisadvisable?WhatisreasonableistousethisopportunityinRussiaUSrelationstostopthemilitaryconflict.Butatthesametime,thisresolutionmusttakeintoaccounttheirconditionswhichprovokethisconflict.ItshouldtakeintoaccountthedemandsofRussia.Otherwise,wewillhardlyavoidthenewconflictinthefuture.
Helen:WhatarethedemandsfromRussia,inyouropinion?
IvanTimofeev:Oneofthemajordemandsisthenon-alignedstatusofUkraine.It'sdemilitarizationinasensethatitshouldn'tbeaweaponinthehandsoftheWesternpartnersofKievandshouldnotposeathreattoRussiainitsclosestneighborhood.
Oneotherthingisaboutpeople,respecttothediversityofthepopulation,withrespecttothelinguisticdiversity,withzerotolerancetoradicalnationalism.ThereispraiseofthosewhocooperatedwithNaziGermanyduringthesecondworldwar;thereshouldbezerotolerancetothefalsificationofhistory,includingthehistoryofthesecondworldwar.
Insumthisisthenon-aligned,theneutrality,thedemilitarization,theissueofradicalnationalismandtherespecttodiversityofthepopulationofUkraine,Iseeitinthisway,probablywewillseeanotherleastlistbyRussianofficialdiplomacy.Thisisjustmyexpertopinion.
Helen:Ibelievesomeofthedemandswillbeproposed.Howdoyouenvisionthedemandsorthenegotiationprocessdowntheroad,firstbetweenRussiaandtheUnitedStates?ThereismorethanUkrainecrisisbetweenRussiaandtheUnitedStates,alotoftopicswillbecoveredbetweenyourdiplomaticchannels.
IvanTimofeev:Theprocessmaybequitecomplicated,becausetheconflictiscomplex,andthisisnotjustaboutUkraine.Thisisalsoaboutwidersecurityarchitectureandtheshortcomingsofthisarchitecture.There,bytheway,itwasfromtheverystartoftheconflictthepointoftheChinesediplomacy,whichstressedtheshortcomingsofEuropeansecurityarchitecture,whichwasoneofthefactorswhichactuallyneglectedthesecurityinterestsofRussia,whichunderminedtheprincipleofindivisiblesecurity.
Thelong-termsettlementdemandsprogressintherealmofwidersecurityframework.
Wehavealreadyseeninthemediathattheremaybeseveralparametersofthissettlement,includingtheelectionsinUkraine,whichmaybeanimportantinternalpolicyprerequisiteforfurtherpoliticaldevelopmentaroundthisconflict.TheirdiscussionontheterritorialdivisionlinetakesintoaccountthestatusquoonthegroundandtakeintoaccountthedemandsonRussiaontheonehand,themilitarysituationinthefield,andthediscussionofpoliticalparameterslikethenonalignedstatusofUkraine,itsrelationswithNATO.WeknowthattheoneofthedemandsofRussiaisthenon-membershipofUkraineinNATO.
EuropeanalliesofUkraineandUkraineitselfmaytrytopromotetheideaofthepresenceontheterritoryofUkraineofforeigntroops,whichwouldguaranteethesecurity.ButthisisandanunacceptableproposalforRussia,becausethatwouldmeanthatUkrainewillbeoccupiedbyforeigntroops,regardlessofthereason.Anyso-calledpeacekeepingmissiondemandstheagreement,thesupportoftheUNsecuritycouncilandofthewiderinternationalcommunity.
Thewestcannotsubstitutetheinternationalcommunity.Thewestisbig,it'sinfluential,butit'snottheinternationalcommunity.Itcannotprovidethewidestmandateforpeacekeepingoperation.TheonlylegitimatesourceofpeacekeepingoperationsistheUnitedNations,takingintoaccounttheRussianposition,Chineseposition,wouldhardlyadopttheemergenceofanywesterncontingentontheterritoryofUkraine.
Trumpisquitetransparentandbluntontheissue,sayingthathewillnotsupportmilitarilytheEuropeanforcesiftheyareinaclashwithRussianswithinthismission.SoAmericansarenotsupportive.Andthisisrathergoodandbad,becausethisemergenceofforeigntroopsinUkrainemaycausefurtherescalationanddirectclashbetweenRussiaandNATO,whichisnotareasonablescenario.
That'swhywebeganaboutmyperceptionofrisksconnectedtothismilitaryconflict.AndasImentioned,themajorriskwastheescalationofthelocalconflicttoagreaterclassbetweenRussiaandNATOtothethirdworldwar,actually.IfthewesternforcesemergeinUkraine,thiswouldmakethisriskremainontable.
Helen:Youactuallymentionedthefoodcrisis,energycrisis,astopconcernsofnothavingtheUkrainewarinthefirstplace.Sowouldsomeeconomicconcerns,somehumanitarianassistancebeoneoftheparametersofresolvingthiscrisisinthelongerterm?
IvanTimofeev:Thisisanimportantquestion.Oneoftheissuesisrestorationofinternationalsupplychains,distortedbysanctionsanddistortedbyrestrictivemeasures.Iwouldn'tsaythattheyplayacriticalrolenow.Russiaanditspartnersmanagedtobypassthesesanctions.ItmustbestatedthatWestitselfprovidedhumanitarianexemptionstosanctions.Sotoalargeextent,theworldmanagedtoavoidthehumanitarianimpactsofthisconflictonfoodsecurityandenergysecurity.
Butontheotherhand,thereisanotherhumanitarianissue.ThisistheissueofovercomingtheconsequencesofwarinUkraineandinthoseRussianregionswhichsufferedfromthewarandfromthismilitaryconflict.Imeandemining,Imeanrestorationoftheinfrastructure,helptothosewholosttheirrelativesonbothsides.Bytheway,thiswouldbeahugeburdenforbotheconomies,forbothUkrainianandRussians.
Helen:Whichleadsdeepertoyourexpertiseintheeconomicfield.HowhasRussiamanagedtokeepitseconomyrunningandresilientunderWesternsanctions,ingeneral?Andatthesametime,whathasbeensomeofthechallenges,forexample,withinflationandothersdowntheroad?AndwhatdoyouthinkofsomeoftheproposalduringtheRiyadhmeetingaboutWesterninvestmentresumption,anditsimpactonChineseinvestmentinRussia?
IvanTimofeev:TheresilienceoftheRussianeconomyturnedtobeasurprise,eventoRussiansthemselves;toalargeextent,thiswastheresultofpreparatoryworkconductedbythebankofRussia,bythegovernmentofRussia.
SeveralyearspriortothespecialmilitarypreparationinUkraine,wecreatedourownsystemoffinancialmessaging,ourownpaymentsystem.WebecameindependentontheWestern-ledservicesinthisarea,whichallowedustomaintainfinancialstabilityafteremergenceofthissanctionstsunami.
Ontheotherhand,wemanagedtorebuildquicklyourownindustryinanumberofareas,especiallyinthemilitary,inthedualuseproductproductions.OurtradetieswithChinaandotherfriendlystates,butconsiderablywithChina,alsohelpedtodiminishtheshocksconnectedtotradeandtoimports,includingofconsumptiongoods.Chinakeptanunbiasedandobjectiveposition,Chinaisnotapartofmilitaryalliances,anditdidn'ttakeanysideinthemilitarysense.ButChinahasneverdistortedthemarketrelationsbetweenourcountriesduetosanctionsandevenpromotedthedevelopmentoftheserelationsunderthissanctionswar.Anditwasoneofthecriticalfactors.ChinaturnedouttobeanimportantmarketforourcommoditiesandforthegoodswhichwerekickedoutfromEuropeanandAmericanmarkets;bothChinaandIndia,bytheway,Indiaalsoplayedamajorroleinbuyingouroilandothercommodities.
Thesewerethemajorfactorsofresilience:goodpreparation,wellcrisismanagementbythegovernment;bytheway,themarketstructureofRussianeconomy,whenentrepreneurswereresponsibleforthemselves,theydidn'twaitforthehelpfromabove.Andgooddiplomacy,mostofallourrelationswithChina.
AsfortheprospectsofWesterninvestmentstotheRussianeconomy,weshouldbecautiousaboutthis.Firstofall,inlegalsense,theseinvestmentsarestillprohibited.IntermsofUSlaw,nonewinvestmentispossibletoRussia,sothesearejustpreliminarydiscussions,observations,etcetera.
IfthereispeaceinUkraine,onconditionswhichissatisfactorytoallsides,andforus,theRussianinterestsareapriority.IfthismeetsRussianinterests,thenit'sreasonabletoexpectthatsomesanctionsmayberevoked,thoughweshouldbeverycautiousaboutthis,becausetheserevocationsmaybetemporary,theymayberatherinthelogicofexemptions,butnotlong-termrevocationoflegalmechanisms,sowewillleavethissanctionsframeworkforquitealongtime.ThiswouldmeanthatsosomeWesterninvestmentsmayemerge,mayloomonthehorizoniftheseexemptionsoninvestmentbanshappen,butthissanctionsframeworkwillbealong-termrisk.
Anyway,eveniftheseinvestmentsoccur,thisisnotachallengeforChinaatall.ChinaemergedontheRussianmarketasaverystrongplayer,anditwillbeveryhardtoanyonetooutplayChinaontheRussianmarket.
Helen:IthinkbothChinaandRussiameanhavetofaceatwoWests.OneistheUnitedStates,whichprobablywillliftsanctionstosomeextent.ButtheEuropeansidewillsticktothosesanctions.Sohowshouldwedealwiththat?
IvanTimofeev:Youareabsolutelyright.Ifyoulookatrecentsanctions,theEuropeanUnionimposedits16thpackageatthe3yearsanniversaryofthestartofspecialmilitaryoperation.ButUSabstainedfromsanctions.Sowemayseethesituationwheresomealliesareusingsanctions,buttheUSisnot.
Iwouldsaythat,takingintoaccountthecentralityoftheUSintheinternationalfinancialsystem,forus,USsanctionsaremorecriticalthanEuropeansanctions.IfEuropeanscontinuesanctions,thisislessaproblemthanthereversesituation,whereUnitedStateskeeptheirsanctionsandEuropeansarerevokingthem.
AndforRussia-Chinacooperation,USsanctionsaremuchmorecriticalthanEUsanctions,becauseChinesefinancialcommunityismoreconcernedaboutUSsecondarysanctionsthanEUsanctions.IfAmericansarereducing,atleasttosomeextent,thisriskoffinancialsanctions,thenChinesefinancialcommunitywillbemorefavorabletopromotecooperationandprovidefinancialservicestothetradebetweenChinaandRussia.
IvanTimofeev:Wehopeso.Yes.Atsomepoint,theremightbetalksregardingtheBRICScurrencyorBRICSfinancialsettlement,becauseTrumpononesidemayberesumingsomeofthediscussionsandnegotiationswithRussia,buthe'ssohostiletowardsaBRICSsystem,aBRICScurrency.
Helen:ButRussia,ontheotherhand,isstronglysupportiveofaBRICScurrency.Sodowntheroad,what'syourtakeonthat?
IvanTimofeev:Yes,Russiaisaproponentofdiversificationoftheinternationalfinancialsystem.ImustsaythatthisisnotjusttheRussianposition,thisisthepositionofIndia.Bytheway,IndiaenjoysstrongrelationswiththeUnitedStates,anditenjoysglobalization,butstill,theyarenotagainstthediversificationofinternationalfinance,understandingthatmonopolyisnotthebestwaytodothings.
Chinadidalottopreserveitsownfinancialsystemandmarketfromsanctionsandfromforeigninterference.Chinaispromotingyuanasawayfortransactions.YuanisstillnotachallengetotheUSdollar,theshareofyuanisnothuge,andChinesepeople'sbankisquitecautious,avoidingaccelerationthispromotionoftheyuan,tryingtobolsterthisprocesswithrealeconomyandrealeconomicaffairs.Tryingtocrosstheriver,keepinginmindtherocks,stepbystep.It'sareasonablestrategy.
Keepingthisinmind,IdonotthinkthattheemergenceofBRICScurrencyisarealisticscenariointhenearfuture,noteveninmid-termfuture,whowouldnominatethiscurrency,howwillitwork,whatwouldbethebasisforthiscurrency?Itisstillratheranideathanapracticalsolution.
Inthissense,Trumpisexcessivelyalarmed,inmyview.Ontheotherhand,heunderstandsthatnewcentersofeconomyareemerging,thatthisisachallengetotheUnitedStates,andhewillbequiteassertive.Inhisfirstmonthsofpresidency,heavoidedstrongwordsinrelationstoChina,butinhisfirstterm,hewasquiteaggressive.It'snotasecretthatheregardsChinaasthemajorchallenge,thethreattotheUS.Sowe'llseehowheconductshispolicyvisavisBeijing.
Helen:ForChinaandRussia,weattachgreatimportanttothebilateralrelations,notonlyfromthegovernmentlevel,butfromacademic,fromotheraspectsoflife.ForTrump,myunderstandingisthathedoesnotwanttowastesomuchtime,somuchenergyonUkrainecrisis.Hehasalotmoretodowithinthecountry.
Soweknowthatpredictionisreallyhardnowadays,butIstillwantyoutopredict,becausehismajorobjectiveistodealwiththeWallStreet,nottoputsomuchenergyintheUkrainecrisis.Hejustwantstoenditassoonaspossible.Sowhat'shispolicy?
IvanTimofeev:Heislookingatthefuture,nottothepast.WemaylikeTrump,wemaydislikehim.ButwhatisclearisthattheColdWarisamatterofthepastandcurrentUkrainiancrisisisthelegacyoftheColdWar.Thisiscrystalclear.Inasense,wearestillinthisechoofthecoldwar.
ForTrump,thisisamatterofthepast,butnotamatterofthefuture.Hetriestogetridoftheoutlayswhichrelatetothispast,andconcentrateonthefuture.Indeed,heunderstandsthatintheconflictinUkraine,hehasnoprospectofmilitaryvictoryoverRussia.It'simpossibletoprevailoverRussiaatthiscurrentmoment,andthefurthersuppliesofmissilestoUkrainewouldgeneratethisdangeroussituation,whichImentioned,atthebeginningofourconversation,alarmedmepre-wartothismilitaryconflict.
Heislookingatthefuture,hehasabusinessbackground.Heunderstandsthatthisisalossofmoney,hundredsofbillionsofdollars,whichcouldbespentontheinfrastructureintheUS,onroads,airports,onmodernization,whatever.Thesearenotpeanuts.Thesearebigmoney.Hejustwantstosavethemandtoredirectthem.Thequestionis,whatwouldbethenewdirection.
Helen:Fromyourexpertise,ifyoucanadviseTrumpregardinghandlingthedomesticeconomicsituation,whatwouldbetheadviceyougivetohim?
IvanTimofeev:I'mnotanAmerican,althoughIhavebeenstudyingAmericaforquitealongtime.It'shardtomakeanadviceforhim.YouseethattheUSisarichcountry,it'samajoreconomy.Butstill,inequalityisstilloneoftheproblems,whichismuchmorethaninChina,forinstance,orinRussia.Though,thisisnotaRepublicanagendatosupportthepublicservices,tosupportthemedicalservicesforpeople,theeducation,etcetera,andTrumpisRepublican,thisisnothisagenda.
Still,asaRussian,asacitizenofthecountrywheresuchservicesforpeopleareimportant,Iwouldprobably,inmyidealworld,theseresourcesmightbespentonpeopleandtheirlives,education,health,etcetera,thanontheirmilitaryaffairs.We'llsee,butAmericanpeopleknowbetterwhattodowiththeircountry.Weknowbetterwhattodoatourhomes.
Helen:GoingbacktoTrump,ChinaandRussiarelations.DoyouthinkthatTrumpmightrequestRussiatostopusingtheRMBinitstrade?AndhowmightRussiarespondtosuchapotentialrequest?
IvanTimofeev:Evenifhedemandsthis,Iwouldn'tsaythatthisisdoable.Wealreadyhavequiteahugeshareofyuaninourtrade.GettingbacktosomeofthequestionswhichIgotfromsomeofmyChinesecounterparts,Iwouldsaythatwewillhavethisfearofdeteriorationofmarketrelationsforalongtime;afterthissanctionstsunami,it'sveryhardtobelievethateverythingwillbeokay,andweshouldn'tbepreparedforanotherpoliticization,foranotherroundofconflict.
Thiswouldmeanthat,forMoscow,itisreasonabletostillhedgetherisks,tostillpreserveitssovereigntyovereconomictransactionsandtohavediversifiedmeansoftrade,especiallywithChina.WhyshouldweuseAmericancurrencyinourbilateralrelations?Weshoulduseournationalcurrencies,Yuanandrubles.It'smorereasonable.
WeshouldexploremoreopportunitiesinthisnewsystemprovidedbybothbyChinaandRussia:CIPSisagreatthing.It'snotjustapaymentsystem;it'salsoamessagingsystem.Anditisincreasinglypopular.RussianSPFSsystemofmessagingalsoprovidesopportunitiesforChinesebankstogetin.ThoughtheChinesebanksmaybeafraidofsecondarysanctions,butstilltheyhavethisopportunity.Theremaybesomebankswithhigherappetitetoriskcouldusethissystem.
Thedollarisinevitablyimportantininternationalfinance.It'simportantforChinesebusiness,whichusesdollarextensively,Chinesebanksareusingdollarextensively.ThisistheinterestofChinatousetheDollar,butbytheway,ChinesediplomacyisveryclearthatChinaisnotgoingtoundermineglobalization.GlobalizationisbeneficialforChina,sowhyshouldChinaruinwhatisbeneficialforeveryone?Though,Chinahasitsownprojects,likeBeltandRoad,likeglobalsecurityinitiative,butitdoesnotcontradicttheglobalizationprocess.
Inthissense,theriskstopoliticizationofUS-ledsystemwillremainbothforRussiaandforChina.It'sreasonabletomitigatetheserisks,toworkonalternativeformechanism,notjusttofightagainstAmericaforthesakeofthefightagainstAmerica.That'snotthereason.Whenit'sreasonable,whenwecancooperatewithWesternpartners,weshouldcooperate.
Butwhenitcomestopoliticizationandtodiscriminationofourinterestsortheinterferenceintoourdomesticaffairs,likeHongKong,likeXinjiang,likeTibet,weseesanctionsoftheUSontheseissues.ThisisnottheissueoftheUS,thisisaninternalissueofChina.Thisisyourcountryandyourpeople,it'syourpolicy.Whyshouldsomeoneelsedictatetoyouwhattodo?
Asweremember,AmericansthreatenedthefinancialsanctionsagainstbankswhoareconnectedtothesituationinHongKong.Politicallyspeaking,thisisinintolerable.Theydidn'ttakearisktodothis,becauseChinaistoostrong.Theywereafraidoftheretaliation,thatyouwillpushback.
Butstill,thisverythreatofpoliticizationofinternationalfinanceremains.Andweshouldbereadytothisscenario.Last3yearsisabiglesson,notjusttoRussia,buttoChinaaswell.
Helen:Yes,alwaysbepreparedandbecomemoreresilient.
IvanTimofeev:Yes,justberesilientandbeself-confident,respectingothers,noproblem,andcooperatingwithothers,buthavinganopportunitytodoitonyourown.
Helen:Yeah,thisisapartoftheprinciplesofChinesediplomacy.Butwejustneedtocarryoutinamoresophisticatedway.
IvanTimofeev:Yeah,andChinacanaffordthis.Chinaisauniverse.Chinaissoseparate;it'saworldintheworld.Bytheway,that'swhythisnationalcurrencytrademakessenseforChinaandRussia,duetothesimplefactthatRussiacanbuyeverythinginChina,becauseChinaproduceseverything.Ifyouhaveforyuan,youcanbuywhateveryouwant.
Thisisnotthecaseinthetradewithotherfriendlycountries,whichhavelessdiversifiedeconomy,whicharelessdevelopedintermsofindustry,sowearemuchmorelimitedintermsoftheuseofnationalcurrencies,wewillinevitablyhavedisbalancesintrade.
OneotherthingisthatChinaisincreasinglyindependentofforeignsuppliersintermsofindustry.Chinaincreasinglyhasitsownindustrialgoods,technologies,etcetera.Whendecidingoncooperationwithforeignpartners,ChinashouldnotgotoWashingtonandapplyforalicenseandpermissiontosupplysomethingtoRussia,Chinahasitsown.Andthelistoftheproductswhichithasonitsownisincreasing.
Helen:Yes.ButChinaisbeingsohumble.3yearsago,theonlymissingpuzzlemightbeinthehightechindustry,likethechips.Nowadays,wehavesomanybreakthroughs.TheyonlythingIcanthinkistheaircrafts,thebigcommercialjetliners,butwearemovingsofasttowardsthisdirectionaswell.
IvanTimofeev:Chinesepeoplearehumbleandmodest,whichisapartofthenationalcharacterwhichdeserveshighrespect.ItalkedmanytimeswithmyChinesefriendsontechnologyandfinance,theysaythat,yes,wegotsomesuccess,butstillweneedtolearnfromAmericansinthisandthat,theyarestillstronginthisandthat,andweshouldgothereandlookatwhattheyaredoing.Weshouldlearntheircompetentpractices.
Thisisareasonablestrategywhereyouachievesuccess,butyouarenotclosingdoors.Youarenotproudofyourself.Youstillkeepthispeninthepocket,writingandlearningfromothers.Thisisanessentialpartlegacyofyourculture,ofyourcivilization,whichisahugecompetenceinsuchturbulenttimes.
Helen:Thankyouforsayingso,sojustkeeplearningChinese.
IvanTimofeev:Ishould,应该学习汉语.
俄罗斯海外事务委员会(RIAC,全称RussianInternationalAffairsCouncil)成立于2010年,是俄罗斯最具影响力的酬酢与海外关系智库之一。RIAC奋力于于推动海外政策筹商、促进全球对话ag百家乐怎么杀猪,蚁集政府官员、学者及酬酢大家,当场缘政事、安全、经济伙同等议题提供政策建议。该委员会与全球有名智库等闲伙同,旨在擢升俄罗斯在海外事务中的影响力,并促进海外社会对俄罗斯酬酢政策的说明与互动。